By Johann Escalante

This year, we commemorate the 52nd anniversary of the First Quarter Storm (FQS)—a period of turmoil and resistance marked by a chain of student-led rallies held from January to March 1970.

Prompted by the abuses of the Marcos regime, the Storm significantly impacted the struggle against the dictatorship and signaled the beginning of the downfall.

Brewing the storm

The uprising was caused by a number of reasons split between the effects of the poor governance under the Marcos regime and the surge of nationalism within the academe.

Economic inequality and nationwide inflation grew more pronounced under Marcos’ regime: the poor were plunged deeper into poverty, with the number of Filipinos who were unable to meet the minimum requirements for basic necessities like food, shelter, and clothing rising from 39% to 48% of the population. 

On the other side of the coin, cronies like Juan Ponce Enrile, Antonio Floirendo, Danding Cojuangco, and Lucio Tan had their pockets lined further as Marcos abused his power to make deals and seize entire businesses for their benefit. Several cronies held monopolies in industries like the coconut, sugar, and cigarette industries as a result.      

Additionally, the introduction of decolonization into the country cast doubt on the relationship between the United States and the Philippines, whether the relationship was that of allies or that of an imperialist country and their semi-colony. Filipinos started rejecting American influences and began demanding true national independence, which is void of any dependence on foreign countries. 

The government, however, continued to show their unwavering support to the US, with Marcos being good friends with then American president Richard Nixon, making sure that American businesses in the country operate smoothly, and even going as far as sending troops to help them in the Vietnam War.    

A period of turbulence  

The exploitative nature of Marcos’ governance and his reelection for a second term incited moderate opposition groups, led by the National Union of Students of the Philippines (NUSP), to stage an organized protest against him, asking for political reforms or at the very least an amendment of the 1935 Constitution. Radical groups like the Kabataang Makabayan (KM) and the Samahan ng Demokratikong Kabataan (SDK) also took part in the protest.

As Marcos delivered his 5th State of the Nation Address in the afternoon of January 26, around 50,000 demonstrators clamored outside to ensure that Marcos would not be able to run for presidency a third time. 

While Marcos was heading towards his vehicle, protesters grabbed the opportunity to hurl not only verbal disapproval, but also sticks, placards, a coffin made of cardboard meant to represent the death of democracy, and even a paper-mâché crocodile effigy symbolizing the greed of the elite.

After Marcos left the area in his limousine, police retaliated and attacked the protesters. 300 youth protesters and 72 law enforcers suffered injuries. 

Less than a week later, protesters marched to Congress as Atenean and then-NUSP President Edgar Jopson was granted permission to negotiate directly with Marcos within the palace. Negotiations, however, did not go smoothly, akin to what was happening outside the palace at that time. 

Guards were given permission to open fire as protestors tried to climb up the gates of Malacañang, which was shortly after followed by a fire truck being slammed into Gate 4, allowing the protestors who chose to do so to enter and storm the place. They were forcibly pushed back and later dispersed by force, killing at least 5. 

The cycle of the formation of demonstrations, their forced dispersal through police brutality, and the formation of more demonstrations to condemn the cruelty continued. Violence became widespread during the entirety of February and constantly sowed distress among civilians. 

The Poor People’s March, the event considered to be the last one in the FQS, took place on March 17, 1970. It was organized by the Movement for a Democratic Philippines (MDP) and featured a program in Plaza Moriones where the “enemies of the people” were sentenced by a mock tribunal.

Since the prior gatherings were composed mostly of students, the FQS started to dissolve after the Poor People’s March. The month signaled the start of their summer vacation, with many opting to return to their provinces.     

Aftermath

Even though many protesters were injured or even killed, the series of protests did not deter others from staging their own or participating in demonstrations even after the FQS had dissipated. Many people opted to commit to and join revolutionary groups like the MDP, KB, and SDK.

Gatherings and rallies continued, but violence ensued and bloodshed returned in the following months. At least 77, mostly students, were injured and 10 civilians were killed collectively between the Diliman Commune on February 1-9, 1971 and the Plaza Miranda Bombings on August 21,1971. Even so, demonstrations and protests continued to take place, with the Movement of Concerned Citizens for Civil Liberties (MCCCL) being formed as a response to the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus, the safeguard against unjust imprisonment, during the Plaza Miranda Bombings. 

MCCCL predicted that Marcos was going to implement Martial Law even after the writ had been reestablished. The organization held their largest demonstration numbering around 50,000 on September 21, 1972, hours before Marcos signed Proclamation No. 1081, otherwise known as Martial Law. 

Militant youth groups became illegal as Marcos abused his power to secure his reign after declaring Martial Law. Even then, minor rallies still took place. The assassination of his rival Benigno “Ninoy” Aquino Sr., on August 23, 1983, proved to be the turning point for many moderate opposition groups and members of the middle class.  

Rallies became more bold and frequent, culminating into what is known today as the Bloodless Revolution that ousted a dictator. The 1986 EDSA People Power Revolution held on February 22-25, 1986 ushered in a new democratic era for the Philippines, a feat achieved because of the Filipinos’ nationalistic ideals that bloomed and were put to the test during the FQS of 1970. 

Be that as it may, the country’s problems did not disappear then and there. Along with the massive international debt the Marcos regime had left, the succeeding presidents were inept, corrupt, or, most recently, mirrored the authoritarian brand of leadership Marcos had embodied.     

No changes? 

50 years after it took place, an FQS reunion was held last January 31, 2020. Then student activists were now people of age who bore witness to the events that transpired both during and after weathering the Storm. 

The events that transpired during the First Quarter Storm as well as the ripple effect they caused are a testament to the power that the masses hold in a democratic country. As we are the ones who appoint our leader, it is also our duty to keep them in check. This holds true even up to the present times, when corruption and abuse of power is widespread throughout the government.  

As disappointing as it may be, the veterans’ vision of a fair and impartial country sadly until now remains just a vision, with the radical change they fought for and expected to take place yet to be attained.

They struggled and persevered until the country was freed from the grasp of dictatorship. Now, with the 2022 national elections approaching, it is our collective responsibility as the citizens of this country to learn from the mistakes of the past lest we be subjected once more to an era shrouded by fear and oppression. 

Photo Source: JosephScalice.com